CHOUROUK JOURNAL ALGERIEN PDF

List of Algerian newspapers for news and information on sports, entertainments, jobs, education, festivals, lifestyles, travel, and business. Leading Arabic -language newspaper based in Kouba, Algiers. Newspaper published in French-language and covering economy, culture, inside Algeria news, history, and more. One of the French-language newspapers in Algeria owned by Algerian Government. Algerian French-language newspaper featuring local and worldwide news including health, sports, entertainment, business, and more. Algerian newspapers Online List of Algerian newspapers for news and information on sports, entertainments, jobs, education, festivals, lifestyles, travel, and business.

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To reduce corruption risk and build integrity, security sector reforms are urgently needed across the following areas:. Political Is there formal provision for effective and independent legislative scrutiny of defence policy? Score 0. In practice, research found the situation to be totally different because of the major influence that the executive has in the vote.

July 10, April 16, Does the country have an identifiable and effective parliamentary defence and security committee or similar such organisation to exercise oversight?

The central service of the judiciary police was dissolved by the president on 22 September Since then Algeria has not had an identifiable and effective parliament defence and security committee to exercise oversight. This is explained by the close relationship between the parliament, the ruling party and the military as noted by Yazbeck. While these members are heavily influenced. However, it is true that 48 out of members of the second chamber are chosen by the president.

Is the country's national defence policy debated and publicly available? This refers to a prevalent culture of secrecy in politics, and the lack of communication and transparency towards civil society. Articles 77, 79, 80 and 82 of the constitution allow for the supremacy of the Executive branch. The bicameral Parliament can debate but the ultimate decision-maker is the President of the Republic.

There is no proof that the defence policy is being debated by the executive or the legislature. Some official statements are published on the official website of the Ministry of defence. Overall it appears likely that the public can find some information but only where the Ministry wants it to. Despite this lack of communication from the Algerian ministries and government regarding defence policy, and despite a total absence of debate with the public, it was possible to find some credible detail through secondary sources.

Other information, such as on purchases of the PNA People's National Army or its suppliers, is at times presented in local newspapers, although sources are never disclosed. This has made it possible to piece together information on defence, though with significantly less accuracy and transparency than formal information released by the PNA or the government would be.

Score changed from 1 to 0 during research finalization, on the basis that no aspect of the policy is made available to the public by the government. No clearly other identified even in part defence policy was found in sources such as the media.

No clear doctrine seems to be mentioned there however. Do defence and security institutions have a policy, or evidence, of openness towards civil society organisations CSOs when dealing with issues of corruption?

If no, is there precedent for CSO involvement in general government anti-corruption initiatives? Evidence shows that any attempt by CSOs to engage the government on defence matters would be unlikely to succeed. Research by Salhi Source 1 shows that interactions between the Algerian state and public institutions remain inconsistent and fail to embody a partnership.

The state considers itself the sole manager of the population's public affairs with the only valid means of representation being the ones it defines.

The Algerian Government has also used its veto three times regarding the participation of an association in the UN conferences. Authorities imposed a general ban on demonstrations in Algiers on June 18, , four days after a popular march in support of the rights of the Amazigh ethnic group. This ban has not been since revoked, despite the end of the emergency law in which had been in place across Algeria for nineteen years. The law significantly reduced the right of citizens to gather and to hold meetings thus limiting the functionality of public associations.

Under its auspices, organizers of any public meeting are required to inform the governor three days before an event takes place. No further explanation of the decision is required. In your answer, please specify which. Score 2. The reservation is regarding the possibility of extradition to the International Court of Justice. Algeria signed the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime on December 12th, and ratified it on October 7th, with similar reservations.

So far Algeria has limited the role of civil society in the fight against corruption, and used its veto three times regarding the participation of an association in the UN conferences. No date available. Only year: Is there evidence of regular, active public debate on issues of defence?

If yes, does the government participate in this debate? Score 1. The case of Ain Amenas is illuminating in this regard. Evidence shows the public have asked a number of questions about the attack such as on the modus operandi of the perpetrators; the tactics of the PNA; the army's decision not to negotiate; etc that the government and the army have not answered. Another example is Algeria's state of emergency, lifted in after 19 years as a political concession during the Arab revolutions.

This issue has been unsuccessfully addressed for years by the opposition and civil society. It is important to note the limited role of the Algerian press in investigating and publishing issues related to corruption, terrorism, security sector, civil rights, etc.

Although the information sector has seen some liberalization law of April 3, with the creation of the private press and an proliferation of Arabic and Francophone newspapers, the press and television remain tightly controlled by the state. Press offences also present a clear threat to the professional freedom of journalists and bloggers in Algeria; both for those examining defence topics and more widely.

Lawsuits against journalists and their editors are commonplace, as shown by recent cases against Djamel Ghanem, Abdelghani Aloui, Saber Saidi and others. Moreover, research shows the state has exercised a large degree of control over CSOs and national media.

For instance, the government has routinely reduced the right of citizens to gather and hold public meetings. The state has shown a long-standing practice of refusing organizers' requests at the last minute, thus allowing no time for appeal to an administrative court.

Specific organizations have been targeted by the state's laws. Access to virtual social spaces currently offers Algerians some possibility to express related opinions. Evidence does indicate Algerians have a margin of freedom through access to the internet that includes political, economic, social or cultural expression - including denouncing leaders, contesting the pouvoir or attracting the attention of the public authorities to a matter.

Blogs and Facebook pages and video platform such as YouTube or Daily motion have also dramatically increased in Algeria - 6 million internet users in Algeria have a Facebook profile and 80, are on Twitter.

Similarly, an increase in the number of private channels has created some space for debate on these issues, such as seen after the attack of Ain Amenas.

For example, the Chourouk TV channel organized a debate with journalists following the event regarding the absence of discussion between the civil society and the government, the lack of transparency of the officials regarding this attack and national security overall. No officials were present. February 25, GlobalVoices, February 15, The development of internet has provided Algerian citizens with a new space of expression and debate around government policies.

However, not only does the Algerian government not take part into this debate, it has also jailed or launched legal pursuits against a number of online journalists in bloggers such as Abdelghani Aloui for instance. Does the country have an openly stated and actively implemented anti-corruption policy for the defence sector?

There is no evidence that that the government is considering such a policy. This policy is targeted more broadly and makes no explicit references to corruption in the defence sector however; instead it makes wider references to public procurement and the private sector.

There are some other national-level bodies mandated to fight against corruption. This body is composed of former judicial police officers, magistrates, clerks and representatives from several other jurisdictions. Led by former Attorney General of Algiers, Abdelmalek Sayeh, the body has the task of collection, centralization and exploitation of information within its field of competence; it conducts surveys and researches evidence on facts related to corruption.

As of , the OCRC is investigating the case of Chakib Khalil and Sonatrach and also looking at the assets of 60, civil servants source 6. Score changed from 2 to 0. December There is no evidence that the government's broader anti-corruption strategy covers the defence sector. Therefore a change of score for 1 or 0, depending on the political context might be advised.

The researcher has not provided any source supporting the investigation of 60, public servants. I was not able to identify such sources either. With regards to the information provided by the researcher and other, seemingly contrasting reports, I would downgrade to a score 1 in case the forthcoming anti-corruption policy involves the defence and security sectors, or to a score 0 in case it does not. Are there independent, well-resourced, and effective institutions within defence and security tasked with building integrity and countering corruption?

Its mandate could therefore reasonably include the defence sector. There is no evidence of the staffing, funding and evidence of effectiveness of the DSI however. Aside from the DSI, it is unclear if any other institutions exist that are tasked with building integrity and countering corruption within defence and security institutions.

The DRS branch of the Judiciary Police, established in , was mandated to investigate corruption and bribery cases but has since been dissolved September without any explanation. Research indicates it is likely that the DSI, and the DRS before it, has a strong relationship with the highest spheres of the state that would call its independence and effectiveness into question.

This is emblematic of the broader long-term Algerian regime structure. One can not deny the fact that these two institutions have indeed existed and that they investigate corruption cases. But they remain under the control of the pouvoir because of the tight links between the military, the FLN, the administration and state bureaucrats. Score maintained. Assessor Sources 1 R. So, yes, they are strongly related. But how is this relevant here? It is tasked with homeland security, as its name suggests it and its missions.

If wrongdoing and misbehaviour is linked to threats to the homeland, than it can eventually be tasked to participate to the investigation. But this case has no connection to the defence and security sector.

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